Формирование саногенного мышления для профилактики зависимого поведения

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Prepared By: Esenkzhoga E. M. Adopted: Serikzhanova S.

THE STUDY OF EMOTIONS IN POLITICS The study of emotions in politics and protest has emerged (or reemerged) in the past decade through a messy inductive process of recognizing the obvious: Few existing approaches in the sociology of emotion have been applied systematically, much less compared, in this field, but almost all have found their way into the mix to some degree. This inductive and relatively atheoretical approach may make social movements a useful venue for comparing theories of emotions developed in other settings. Emotions of many sorts permeate political action. In grappling with the inadequacies of existing theories of politics, researchers grabbed pieces of emotion theory opportunistically where they could find them.

RESEARCH ARISTOTLE EMOTIONS Aristotle launched the study of emotions and politics almost 2,400 years ago by examining the effects of orators on audiencesinsights buried first by the rationalistic traditions of recent centuries and later by the structural predispositions of sociology. By pointing out the different interactive contexts of meaning and feeling (such as leaders and followers, recruiters and potential recruits, insiders and outsiders, pairs of opponents, and so on), we suggest Aristotleand rhetoricas a starting point for a rethinking of emotions that recognizes the strategic purposes that often lie behind them. Aristotle – Greek Philosopher

REDISCOVERING EMOTIONS: RECENT RESEARCH Jeff Goodwin James M. Jasper distinguish several different interactional contexts in which emotions are generated and displayed. Some emotions arise outside of movements altogether, in individuals who are influenced by any number of others, including the media. These have been studied as the raw materials from which mobilization may be built. There are also internal dynamics in which participants engage each other, including the interactions between leaders and followers. In between these, participants engage potential recruits. This encounter may include specific efforts to build confidence, which is crucial to all strategic action. It may include a great deal of moral work, labeling various players as good or bad. Then there are external interactions with other players, be they opponents, authorities, or bystanders. Some emotions arise outside of movements altogether, in individuals who are influenced by any number of others, including the media. These have been studied as the raw materials from which mobilization may be built. There are also internal dynamics in which participants engage each other, including the interactions between leaders and followers. In between these In between these, participants engage potential recruits. This encounter may include specific efforts to build confidence, which is crucial to all strategic action. It may include a great deal of moral work, labeling various players as good or bad. also internal dynamics There are also internal dynamics in which participants engage each other, including the interactions between leaders and followers. Jeff Goodwin James M. Jasper distinguish several different interactional contexts in which emotions are generated and displayed

TYPOLOGY OF EMOTIONS (JEFF GOODWIN JAMES M. JASPER ) typology of emotions (Jeff Goodwin James M. Jasper ) One category consists of reflexes, such as anger or surprise, that are quick to appear and to subside and which have clear bodily programs associated with them (Ekman 1972). Another group are long-standing affects, especially love and hate but alsoothers such as trust and respect. There are, in addition, a number of moral emotions of approval and disapproval, including shame and pride, or sometimes sympathies such as compassion. Our final category, moods, does not take a direct object the way most emotions do; moods color our action, especially giving us more or less confidence, and we usually carry them with us from one setting to the next. One category consists of reflexes, such as anger or surprise, that are quick to appear and to subside and which have clear bodily programs associated with them (Ekman 1972). Another group are long-standing affects, especially love and hate but alsoothers such as trust and respect. There are, in addition, a number of moral emotions of approval and disapproval, including shame and pride, or sometimes sympathies such as compassion. Category, moods, does not take a direct object the way most emotions do; moods color our action, especially giving us more or less confidence, and we usually carry them with us from one setting to the next.

SYMPATHY AND RECRUITMENT Some emotions form the raw materials for movement sympathy and recruitment. These may consist of cultural sensibilities such as compassion for different groups, or it may consist of individual personality dynamicsas well as an interaction between the two. Broad sensibilities are raw materials for political mobilization. Shifts in emotions and their expression have created new vocabularies of motive, new subjects, and new targets of protest. Compassion for animals was the most important precondition for the emergence of animal protection movements (Jasper 1997).

SCHEFFS APPROACH (1994) Scheffs (1994) approach has been to identify patterns of pride and shame that allow varying degrees of recruitment to collective action because of their rhetorical resonance. These two emotions are eminently social, having to do with our attachment to otherspride issuing from positive connections and shame issuing from disconnection. When shame is not acknowledged, according to Scheff, it can lead to aggression, at an individual, a group, or even at the national level. Also, when people feel ashamed of their anger, a shame-rage spiral can quickly spin out of control. Leaders mobilize through appeals to these emotions and especially promises to avenge shame.

Scheff (1994) has applied these ideas to nationalist movements and to nazism in particular, arguing that such movements involve an intense and passionate quest for belonging as individuals and groups seek to increase their pride/shame balance. For Example, Hitlers appeal [to Germans] was that he promised that pride and community would replace shame and alienation; the promise of ending Germanys shame after the Treaty of Versailles and raising its pride formed the core of virtually all of his speeches and writings

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